The authoritarian governance and the heavily-controlled state apparatus created to support its results in an efficient and punitive system may work well to detect and deter lower-level administrative corruption. This means that corruption is more centralized in the hands of the few.
Despite a gradual improvement in its score since 2015, Belarus is still a poor performer on the CPI compared to the top-ranking countries. This is not surprising. Lukashenko transformed Belarus into a presidential republic with an executive branch that remained unchecked for years. Like many autocrats, the fight against corruption was one of Lukashenko’s main promises when he came to power in 1994. Typically, corruption thrives where democracy is absent. Checks and balances that are foundational to democracy and crucial in controlling corruption fail under authoritarian regimes.
“The irony is that Alexander Lukashenko was elected by the people of Belarus on an anti-corruption platform. He has betrayed his mandate and the trust of his people on many occasions during his 27 years as president,” says Oksana Drebezova, Transparency International’s national contact in Belarus.
Grand corruption remains big problem in Belarus, where power is concentrated within the highest levels of government and political elites. The state controls 70 per cent of the economy and integrity systems are unable to keep the most powerful officials accountable, making grand corruption common.
A recent investigation, focused on Cyprus, exposed “a labyrinth of financial ties between Nicosia and Minsk”. It alleged that Lukaschenko’s family have business links to Cyprus companies. This investigation also put a spotlight on Cyprus’s attempt to block EU sanctions on Belarus officials over a falsified election. The bloc eventually overcame Cyprus’s veto and imposed sanctions on 40 Belarus officials in October 2020.
Over the years, Belarus’ judicial branch has acted with limited independence. Court staffing decisions are determined by the president in a partisan manner. The president reserves the right to pardon any individual involved in corruption.
Belarus also does not have independent bodies to investigate corruption cases. Trials are usually conducted behind closed doors. In 2019, the Council of Europe’s anti-corruption body known as the Group of States against Corruption, or GRECO, publicly declared Belarus as “non-compliant” for failing to address the vast majority of necessary anti-corruption reforms and recommendations.
Members of the civil society can hardly participate in the anti-corruption efforts or hold their government to account. Civil society and independent media simply do not have access to data on corruption as the state system remains in the hands of the law enforcement bodies and the government, with journalists often being jailed for reporting corruption. International organizations and experts are also limited in assessing and analyzing the situation without access to adequate data.